Brief Description of the Providence of Carolina

Melissa Erman

Dr. Coronado

English 327

3/29/16

                                    Robert Hornes Description of the Providence of Carolina

            When the new world was discovered there was an offering of happiness, freedom, and new beginnings for a lot of people. Some people didn’t need convincing to colonize America, while others did. There are not many letters or articles where the main purpose is to convince people to colonize America. Robert Horne’s text “Brief Description of the Providence of Carolina” which was written in 1664 was written to promote more people to travel and colonize America. This text is very positive, and mentions nothing of hardship. His writing is so crisp that when he speaks of the fruits, seeds, and the air it’s as if one can taste and feel these luxuries just through reading. Horne does an excellent job at convincing people when it comes to living in the providence of Carolina. This text is important because it allows scholars to discover why people were so eager to colonize a strange land they knew nothing about. These people spent weeks on ships, became ill, and many died just to see and experience America. Was it texts like these that convinced people that America was like an Eden? Once they arrived to America it wasn’t all rainbows and butterflies. Colonists were at fighting with Native Americans, there were food shortages, and many succumbed to a climate they weren’t used to. By reading Hornes text, his purpose for the description of Carolina was to convince people to settle in Carolina, and boost the economic state, and land value of the Province of Carolina.

            According to the website Early Narratives of Carolina the text “Brief Description of the Providence of Carolina” was published in London in 1666, was one of several pamphlets, and was supposed to increase land value. It was actually printed for Robert Horne, but it is not certain if he wrote it himself. It describes the climate, the food, and other natural conditions that was meant to aid people to travel to Carolina. In securing settlers, the economy would boost, and land would become more valuable. In other words this text was a marketing tool to get people to colonize America, Carolina specifically. This is the reason why there isn’t any negative subjects in this document. Whether or not Horne wrote this himself, the text does a thorough job in describing all of the positive aspects of Carolina.

            Horne opens up his text by reassuring settlers that Carolina is a safe place to live.. He says

There is a Colony of English seated, who landed there the 29 of May, Anno1664. and are in all about 800 persons, who have overcome all the difficulties that attend the first attempts, and have cleered the way for those that come after, who will find good houses to be in whilst their own are in building; good forts to secure them from their enemies (Horne para 1)

By opening up the pamphlet in this way, Horne is reassuring future travelers that the area is safe, which was a main concern. Settlers constantly died of disease, starvation, and were killed by Native Americans. In relation to Jamestown “The Lost Colony gained its fame from its disappearance” (Langbauer 3). The colonists of Jamestown died from numerous causes, which frightened some people and prevented them from wanting to colonize America. Horne says that not only did the original colonists survive, but they are going to welcome new comers with open arms with houses for them to reside in while there’s is being built, and forts that will protect them. With safety out of the way Horne dives into the delights of the food in Carolina.

            When Horne is describing the food that Carolina has to offer settlers, there is a crispness to it. Not only is he saying there is enough food for everyone, but he makes it desirable and exciting. Here he describes some of the benefits of the fruit;

 There are many sorts of fruit Trees, as Vines, Medlars, Peach, Wild Cherries, Mulbury-Trees, and the Silk-worm breeding naturally on them, with many other Trees for Fruit and for Building, for Perfume and for Medicine, for which the English have no name; also several sorts of Dying Stuff, which may prove of great advantage (Horne Para 4)

Not only does Horne name the fruits individually, but he adds that silk worms that breed on the fruit, which can be used to make silk. Not only are the fruit tress producing food, but perfume and medicine that the English don’t have. New medicine can be very appealing to settlers because disease was a major problem in this time. Some of these colonists lived in cities, and did not see fruit trees around their home and they didn’t have silk worms that they could utilize. Everything about this excerpt says Carolina has new things to offer, and these new things are highly beneficial. Carolina not only has desirable produce, but desirable animals as well; “Cattle both great and small, which live well all the Winter, and keep their fat without Fodder; Hogs find so much Mast and other Food in the Woods, that they want no other care than a Swine-herd to keep them from running wild” (Para 4). Plentiful animals that are healthy, and don’t require a lot of maintenance is a dream come true. Here Horne is trying to appeal to farmers. Nowhere in this text does he mention animals being sick, or people going through food shortages. Not only are the farm animals perfect in Carolina, but so are the animals that can be hunted according to the text;

The Woods are stored with Deer and Wild Turkeys, of a great magnitude, weighing many times above 50l. a piece, and of a more pleasant tast than in England, being in their proper climate; other sorts of Beasts in the Woods that are good for food; and also Fowls, whose names are not known to them (para 4)

Horne is very specific here in describing the animals that can be hunted. He says that not only can colonists survive off the land, but can also make good money doing it. He describes the taste of the meat to England and says it’s a “more pleasant taste” and it’s because they are in their proper climate. The entire excerpt on the food and the resources available in this text is relatable to the Garden of Eden. Horne paints a very pretty picture and if I was living in the 1600’s this would sound very appealing to me. But he leaves out the gritty details because the main purpose of the pamphlet was to promote Carolina.

 Life then was hard, and by leaving illness, and hardship out of the pamphlet, Horne is able to create a paradise and convince people to Colonize America. But in reality, life was not that easy in Carolina. In fact “poor white North Carolinians at the winding up of the year scarcely have bread to eat despite the fertility of their environment” (Hubbs 3). Horne leaves class and economic growth out in his pamphlet. Colonists who suffered financially didn’t have the money of grow crops or raise animals.  He never mentions what becomes of people who are suffering financially. While he describes the exotic fruits, and the animals of plenty he leaves out that the “poor southerners have consumed clay to ease hunger pains” (Hubbs 3). Unfortunately the colonists who read pamphlets such as this and took the chance to colonize America had to take the risk of dying of starvation, or from Native Americans, or from illness.  

While this text is very biased, it is very important when studying early colonialism. Perhaps scholars can understand why settlers decided to leave England and other country’s to pursue America. This text is a marketing strategy, and its job was to make Carolina sound like an Eden. The fruits, the animals, the protection, and the welcoming inhabitants is everything a settler could ask for. Perhaps documents like this I what led to the idea of the American Dream. Because this pamphlet, whose author is pretty unknown, has put a dream into writing. This small excerpt might just be enough to inspire others to dream of a different life and embark on the journey to America. Without documents such as these, America might not be the country it is today.

                                                Works Cited Page

Horne, Robert. A Brief Description of the Province of Carolina. Narratives of Early Carolina, 1650-1708.Early America’s Digital Archive. Ed. Alexander Salley, Jr. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1911. Web.

Hubbs, Jolene. "Documenting Hunger: Famineways in Contemporary Southern Women’s writing." The Southern Literary Journal 47.2 (2015): 1-19. Web.

Langbauer, Laurie. "Early British Travelers to the U. S. South." The Southern Literary Journal 40.1 (2008): 1-18. Web.

Link to website: http://mith.umd.edu/eada/html/display.php?docs=horne_briefcarolina.xml&action=show 

Study of Records of the Colony of New Plymouth in New England

Katie Numan

Doctor Coronado

ENGL 327

28 March 2016

Study of Records of the Colony of New Plymouth in New England

            The most studied of anthologies of Puritan and Colonial texts are primarily comprised of detailed accounts from individuals on their experiences related to the New World. Alternatively, collections of historical documentation of  legal proceedings in Colonial America, which are not included within general anthologies, give a more comprehensive or broad view of how the culture functioned. Rather than the individualistic bias given through popular writings of the time, the study of legal documents suggests a lack of bias, or at least generally accepted Colonial thought, which acts as framework for other texts to be placed within. Amongst these legal writings  are the Records of the Colony of New Plymouth in NewEngland: Printed by the Order of the Legislature of the Commonwealth ofMassachusetts, edited by Nathaniel B. Shurtleff and David Pulsifer. Though these collections contain multiple volumes to cover individual court cases from a range of offenses, narrowing the scope to study court cases related to sexual misconduct is most beneficial in gaining understanding of the culture, as sexuality ties so heavily to religion, and can therefore be examined through multiple lens. Additionally, the court records detail not only the specifics of the crimes themselves, but also the assigned sentences or punishments. Similar acts may have completely different consequences depending on the context of the situation—this only gives readers more contextual understanding in learning about pre-1800 North America. It is not the cases themselves that make the text important to understanding, but the concept of applying what is generally the cultural accepted thought, by law, to the individuals in that culture. Rather than the popularly anthologized individual's reaction to general thought, this is the general thought reacting to the individual.

            However, these compendiums of information have only become more heavily researched by scholars within the past century. The increase in research only arose from a noticed deficiency by experts in the field. In his article, Colonial Court Records and the Study of Early American History: A Bibliographical Review, Michael G. Kammen discusses the creation of published collections of Colonial court records, and why their inclusion as a relevant area of study has been so slow-coming. As an explanation, he suggests, "The notion has persisted that after the Revolution judges undertook to decide what rules had been adopted in colonial times, acting on the assumption that their function to declare the law included a knowledge of its history" (Kammen 737). Since court records were not readily available at the time, the assumption led to historians finding the original cases to be of little relevance, as the same practices were said to be held by more recent judges that had adopted Colonial thought.

            The assumption that Colonial law mirrored that of English law also cannot be accurately made. An additional criticism that Kammen's review makes towards the lack of value of early American legal records suggests that  research "...has shown that the terms, forms, and substantive law of early America were  not necessarily those known to the king's courts... Much of early American law was thus derived from the districts in England that produced the colonial migrations" (Kammen 738-739). If Colonial law was formed from a multitude of different districts, and therefore beliefs, it cannot be universally be defined as English law itself. Additionally, even traditional English law at the time was split between secular law and canon law. In her study on adultery in Stuart England, Veronika Christine Pohlig makes the distinction between the two quite clear. While crimes of sexual nature could be handled by either secular or ecclesiastical courts, the existing records show much more activity in ecclesiastical courts than the secular. In addition, "those records provide a rather good picture of contemporary social structures as church courts catered to a rather wide social spectrum since litigants and witnesses included servants, labourers, yeomen, husbandmen and tradesmen as well as the occasional gentleman" (Pohlig 10-11). In lieu of a more standardized final verdict of cases, the socially constructed courts of England had more conceptual punishments, often involving penance or some form of public shaming, though forms of these do show up within the documented Colonial records.

            However, the most substantial difference is the separation of courts. In the volumes of records edited by Shurtleff and Pulsifer, the cases are those from a general court— not necessarily secular or ecclesiastical, but more so a combination. As a generalized court, readers are able to see how at the time religion, and more generally speaking social structures, tied to government.  It also shifts away from trying to understand and emphasize the differences and overlaps between American and English court systems, but instead to more closely examine the implications of the cases within the realm of the period and the culture. This can be seen through a comparative study of cases of similar nature that have slight differences between them, which lead to completely different sentences. Such is the case for two documented accounts of adultery. This first of these, occurring on September 3, 1639 is as follows:

            Mary, the wyfe of Robert Mendame, of Duxborrow, four using dallyance diuers tymes with Tinsin, an Indian, and after committing the act of vncleanesse with him, as by his owne confession by seuerall interpreters is made apparent, the Bench doth therefore censure the said Mary to be whipt as a carts tayle through the townes streets, as to weare a badge vpon her left sleeue during her aboad within this gouerment; and if shee shalbe found without abroad, the to be burned in the face with a hott iron; and the said Tinsin, the Indian, to be well whipt with a halter about his neck at the post, because it arose through the allurement [and] inticement of the said Mary, that hee was drawne therevnto. (Shurtleff 132)

In this specific case punishments were assigned to both parties as they were active participants in the alleged crime. However, when compared to another case of adultery, one factor of the case leads to a much different result. The second of these cases, which took place on December 7, 1641 reads as follows:

            Forasmuch, as Thomas Bray, of Yarmouth, a single person, and Anne, the wyfe of Francis Linceford, haue committed the act of adultery and vncleanesse, and haue diuers tymes layne in one bed together in the absence of her husband, which hath been confessed by both parties in the publike Court, the Court doth censure them as followeth: That they both be seuerely whipt immediately at the publik post, [and] that they shall weare (whilst they remayne in the gouerment) two letters, namely, and AD, for Adulterers, daily, vpon the outside of their vppermost garment, in a most emenent place thereof; and if they shalbe found at any tyme in any towne or place within the gouerment without them so worne vpon their vppermost garment as aforesaid, that then the constable of the towne or place shall take them, or wither of them, omitting so to weare the said two letters, and shall forthwith whip them for their negligence, and shall cause them to be immediately put on againe, and so worne by them and either of them... (Shurtleff 28). 

While both cases of adultery involve two willing participants, the outlier in the first case is the fact that one of the alleged adulterers was an Indian. Because of this, if Mary Mendame was found in public without the badge of her adultery on her sleeve, she was to be branded on her face with a hot iron. For Anne Bray, who committed the same crime and was subject to the same initial punishment, if she were to not wear her badge of adultery, her secondary punishment would be an additional whipping. Simply comparing these two cases shows the significance of what is means to be a Colonist versus being an Indian. Clearly, fraternizing with a Native was culturally accepted to be a more serious offense. This thought is expanded from an individual perspective and applied as a general thought.

            These cases only represent a portion of the cultural information that can be pulled out from early American court records as a whole. To really get an understanding of the period, it is essential to have a more historical frame to contextualize other texts. Though they may offer individual thoughts that viewpoints, those very thoughts may not be reflective of the thoughts of the society. Looking towards a more public documentation of a key part in how Colonial America was governed and regulated is an effective way to achieving a more general understanding.

Works Cited

Kammen, Michael G.. “Colonial Court Records and the Study of Early American History: A Bibliographical Review”. The American Historical Review70.3 (1965): 732–739. Web.

Pohlig, Veronika Christine. Adultery in Early Stuart England. Diss. Freie Universität Berlin, 2010.

Shurtleff, Nathaniel B, and David Pulsifer. Records of the Colony of New Plymouth, in New England: Printed by Order of the Legislature of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts. Boston: Press of W. White, 1855. Print.

Letter by Reverend Father Etienne de Carheil to Monsieur Louis Hector de Callieres, governor [on conditions in the Upper Lakes in 1702]: Carrie Elder "The Real Effects of the North American Fur Trade"

Carrie Elder

Teresa Coronado

Eng 327

29 March 2016

The Real Effects of the North American Fur Trade

            Eyewitness reports of historical events are ideal places to uncover the real and honest depictions of histories that are edited or romanticized. These accounts are crucial because they are often written in vivid detail as the event occurred. Furthermore, these stories can provide readers with a look into the author’s thoughts about the event that is unfolding right before their eyes, completely free of retrospective judgement because it was written during the event. Eyewitness narratives are about capturing a moment in time in the blink of an eye, and therefore are the best opportunity to get a story as it really happened. Father Etienne de Carheil’s letter to Monsieur Louis Hector de Callieres, a governor, is a deeply detailed and emotionally charged letter about the horrors of the fur trade in the Upper Lakes that is deeply entrenched in religion and a desire for often basic human rights to be respected. Carheil spent fifteen years watching Indigenous people suffer at the hands of French merchants, hunters, and explorers, all in the name of capitalist greed, and wrote this letter to plead for the end of the injustices that he witnessed. This letter depicts the horrors of the fur trade through the eyes of an outside observer, making it a valuable addition to North American historical canon because of its placement in history as a narrative that details the violence and oppression that Indigenous people faced at the hands of the French.

            Etienne de Carheil was a Jesuit priest who became a missionary to the Iroquois and Huron people after spending years amongst their tribes. He was a chief Jesuit missionary to the Native Americans of the Straits for fourteen years. Carheil dedicated a portion of his life to serving the Native Americans through his own religious beliefs. His religious beliefs and close relationship with the Native Americans inform his plea to end the fur trade and trafficking of Indigenous women. Carheil skillfully uses religious beliefs to appeal to his audience, in this case one person, to create the idea that the fur trade is inherently against the Christian teachings of the King of France, “If his majesty desire to save our missions and do support the Establishment of Religion, as we have no Doubt he does, we beg him to most humbly to Believe What is most true, namely: there is no other means of doing so than to abolish completely the two Infamous sorts of Commerce which have brought the missions to the brink of destruction, and which will not long delay in destroying these if they be not abolished as soon as possible by his orders, and be prevented from ever being restored” (Carheil 193). Carheil presents the trade and commerce occurring in the Great Lakes as being antithetical to not only to missionary work, but to the institution of religion itself. The only way to maintain religious order is to stop the trade. He appeals to the sensibilities of Monsieur Callieres and the King by presuming that they are followers of Christ’s teachings and therefore care about the plights of others. Carheil proclaims this pillar of his argument first in order to set up the high stakes of his letter and the brevity of his experiences of watching trade and commerce tear apart the lives of Indigenous people – it is so awful that any Christian person should be against it on religious principles alone.

            After establishing the dire stakes of the fur trade, Carheil begins to desperately depict the atrocities being carried out by the French traders. He separate these evil acts into two categories and discusses the grave impact these actions have on missionary work and people themselves, “There is no other means of doing so than to abolish completely the two Infamous sorts of Commerce which have brought the missions to the brink of destruction, and which will not long delay in destroying these if they be not abolished as soon as possible by his orders, and be prevented from ever being restored. The first is the Commerce in brandy; the second is the Commerce of the savage women with the French” (Carheil 193). He firmly believes that the debauchery and trafficking of women will bring destruction of values and an upheaval the work that missionaries like himself were currently doing. Not only must be these awful acts be stopped, but they must be prevented from ever happening again. Positioning the horrific actions of the French as being sinful and dangerous to religious work exemplifies the true effects of the fur trade. In his writing, Carheil presents an idea that the privacy of women’s bodies must be maintained in order to maintain order based in religious values, therefore the trafficking of women is inherently evil. Furthermore, he connects the selling of brandy with these practices to suggest that debauchery leads to forcible prostitution, which then leads to sinful acts of violence and oppression. The author stresses a relationship between the actions of the French with dire consequences in order to show the need for intervention, rather than merely recounting events with no solution.

            Carheil does hold the French accountable for their actions. A selection of the text reads, “Both are carried on in an equally public manner, without our being able to remedy the evil, because we are not supported by the Commandants. They — far from attempting, when we undertake to remonstrate with them, to check these trades—themselves carry them on with greater freedom than do their Subordinates; and so sanction them by their example that, on witnessing it, a general permission and an assurance of impunity are assumed, that cause them to become Common to all the French who come here to trade” (Carheil 195). In this passage, the author highlights the power dynamics that allow for certain atrocities to occur. He reveals that corruption and abuse of power happen publically, without repercussions, because the Commanders do not use their place of authority to maintain any sense of integrity during the trades, instead they turn a blind eye to the atrocities their subordinates are carrying out right under their nose. As a result of this, debauchery and prostitution become normalized institutions for French fur trading because they are allowed to happen. The author presents a dynamic of power that is corrupt and favors the oppressor, the French, and hurts the oppressed, the Native Americans. The French purposely abuse their powers over the Native American by depleting their resources and disrespecting their personal and natural space. The French are allowed to do this because the only people who have authority over their actions is themselves. This creates a cycle of corruption in which they have given power to do what they want unchecked. In knowing this, it becomes interesting to note that Carheil writes to Monsieur Callieres, a governor to end the fur trade, the only higher power that can stop the violent oppression happening in Montreal, and uses another higher power, God, to stress the need for the end of this suffering. There are different but interconnected structures of power occurring in Carheil’s letter.

            The worst of all offenses is the trafficking of Native American women to French soldiers. The author writes, “Their third occupation consists in making of their fort a place that I am ashamed to call by its proper name, where the women have found out that their bodies might serve in lieu of merchandise and would be still better received than Beaver-skins; accordingly, that is now the most usual and most Continual Commerce, and that which is most extensively carried on. Whatever efforts the missionaries may make to denounce and abolish it, this traffic increases, instead of diminishing, and grows daily more and more” (Carheil 197). Carheil finds this so abhorrent that he will not even call it what it is, which deeply demonstrates how abhorrent these actions truly were. The increasing rate of trafficking and the inability to stop it highlights how prevalent trafficking was during the fur trade. The consuming of women’s bodies was as prevalent as the selling and consumption of furs. Sexual oppression and violence is an insidious aspect of the fur trade that Carheil depicts in his letter, albeit unceasingly, because it is embedded in an abuse of power and dominance. However, the existence of trafficking in the fur trade is overlooked and not talked about it – but Carheil discusses it to show how evil the fur trade was and why it needed to be abolished. His letter draws a connection between corruption and sexual violence because they are bound in a system that turns marginalized people into objects that can be humiliated and controlled – all in the name of capitalism.

            Carheil’s letter depicts the real cost of the fur trade without overlooking the despicable acts that occurred while furs were exchanged. His letter is amongst a larger historical context of capitalist oppression that deeply harmed the Native Americans. Native Americans’ labor was exploited during the fur trade as Adele Perry writes, “Indigenous people supplied all the furs, much of the goods upon which the trade depended, and a good dealof its labour. Indigenous women produced all the clothing and a substantial part of the materials upon which the trade depended, and provided the vast bulk of the reproductive labour and affective ties negotiated through intimate partnerships with men tied to the trade” (Perry 3). Carheil’s historical relevance is proven in this passage as it now shown that Native American men and women were exploited by the French through work and sexual relationships, which is demonstrated in Carheil’s letters. Furthermore, this relationship demonstrates how capitalism often operates at the expanse of the labor of people of color – as a result of power structures that place them in economically lesser positions. This phenomenon occurred in Montreal during the fur trade with the Native Americans having access to materials the French needed for capital. In locating this, it is clear how relevant Carheil’s letter are.

            The North American fur trade was an egregious attack on human rights as evidenced by Carheil’s letter. This letter is, then, an important addition to the North American canon pre 1800 because it is an unflinching expose on the real atrocities that occurred during the trade and the power dynamics that allowed them to happen. This letter can help readers understand just how deeply capitalism and corruption damaged the Native Americans and contributed to a cultural depiction of an entrie group of people as weaker. As Christoper L. Miller and George R. Hamel write, “The cultural assumptions reflected in those observations continue to inform American popular culture and lie at the base of many persisting stereotypes concerning Indian rationality and motivation,” (3) and this idea is deeply engrained in Carheil’s text. His letter is a key to the negative cultural opinions of Native Americans as they began with the French abusing their power over them in order to deplete their uses – and often, their lives. This is why Carheil’s letter is so crucial to the larger North American canon; it provides the readers with a non-revisionist depiction of history that is stained with the blood of the Native American people.

Works Cited

Perry, Adele. "Vocabularies of Slavery and Anti-Slavery: The North American Fur-Trade And The Imperial World." Australian Historical Studies 45.1 (2014): 34-45.America: History & Life. Web. 29 Mar. 2016.

Miller, Christopher L., and George R. Hamell. "A New Perspective on Indian-White Contact: Cultural Symbols and Colonial Trade." Journal of American History73.2 (1986): 311-328. America: History & Life. Web. 29 Mar. 2016.

Carheil, Etienne de. "Letter ... to Monsieur Louis Hector de Callières, governor [on conditions in the Upper Lakes in 1702].” The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents. LXV.1: (188-235). Web. 29 March 2016.

 Hyperlink: http://content.wisconsinhistory.org/cdm/ref/collection/tp/id/39400

An Account of Monsieur de la Salle's Last Expedition and Discoveries in North America Presented to the French King: Jacqueline Kenny, "Right Hand Man in French Exploration"

Jacqueline Kenny

Instructor: Dr. Teresa Coronado

ENG 327

25 March 2016

Right Hand Man in French Exploration

            After first discovering the “New World,” many European nations sailed across the sea into the unknown territory to claim it as their own. Many early colonial works that are anthologized today focus on these journeys in a mysterious land. France was one such nation willing to take the trip, and many French explorers traveled North near Canada. One of these explorers became famous after discovering the mouth of the Mississippi River through Lake Illinois. M. de la Salle’s discovery was an incredible feat in French exploration and for all nations colonizing America. The Mississippi River runs along the Eastern part of America, connecting Canada to Mexico. Discovering this passage from the Great Lakes is very important for trade because everything can be shipped by water, “What is wanting, may be transported thither by our vessels” (“An Account” 211). But the explorer did more than just discover a great trade route; he paved the way for France’s colonization in America. Henri de Tonti’s text, “An Account of Monsieur de la Salle’s last expedition and discoveries in North America presented to the French king,” accounts for the Monsieur’s explorations and should be a canon of American literature because it depicts an important discovery for the French. We see the adventure through Tonti’s eyes as we encounter rich new lands and see France’s communications with the Indians. This work also shows us the various hardships many explorers face away from their home countries. This entertaining take on American colonization is one of the many important historical understandings of how the “New World” was colonized by the French.

            M. de la Salle’s right-hand man, Henri de Tonti, documented this feat. Around the time of his birth, Henri’s parents moved their family from Italy to France, where his father, Lorenzo de Tonti was allowed refuge due to his involvement in a failed Spanish revolt. In 1668, Tonti joined the French army, eventually losing his hand. Then, after being recommended to French explorer, Robert Cavelier de la Salle, the soldier was able to accompany him to Canada in July 1678 (Weddle para. 1). According to American Journeys, and online website, De la Salle, “received royal approval to explore and claim the entire Mississippi River” (“Memoir” para. 2). It is this journey, and de la Salle’s last exploration in America which Henri de Tonti accounts in his text.  Tonti loyally follows the French explorer, portraying many interesting encounters with Indian Nations. The two men and their crew set sail across the vast waters within the “New World” and discovered the mouth of the river in 1681. The explorer then went about establishing forts along Lake Illinois (the lake leading into the river). Soon, Monsieur de la Salle returned to France to inform the king of his triumph but came back to America in 1684 to enter the river through the Gulf of Mexico. While Tonti stayed in the forts around Lake Illinois, de la Salle set about establishing alliances with the Indian tribes surrounding the Mississippi River. On this journey, Tonti’s friend met his untimely death in 1687. American Journeys believes that Tonti stayed in Illinois as a trader and continues to aid in French exploration after the Monsieur’s death (“Memoir” para. 1).

            One important element in this piece is how Henri de Tonti takes measures to illustrate the environment in America. Like the Monsieur, Tonti’s audience for exploration and his account was the King of France. Ultimately, the soldier wished to show France how beneficial America and the discovery of the mouth are important.  Tonti wonderfully depicted the landscape of the lands surrounding Lake Illinois, “As to the trees, they are nothing but forests of high trees…one sees the whole plains covered over with Pomegranate-trees, orange-trees, and lemon trees” (“An Account”176). This detailed description of plant life paints a nice picture of fertile soil the nation of France can use. Crops and good soil are a must for those who wish to settle in one place. Tonti also told us about the intelligent wildlife as he takes time to describe beavers, “They have a muzzle or nose, and strong teeth, their body is covered with thick hair, and pretty fine” (66). The meat from these animals can be used for food and their skins can be traded. This representation of America shows the king and us readers the richness of the land and the uses this land has to establish trade. Through Tonti’s detailed reports and his intended audience, we as readers get the sense of what was important to start a colony and why France should further support de la Salle’s exploration.

            Another significant effort put forth by the Monsieur and his crew is that, when encountering various Indians tribes, the French explorer showed kindness and looked for friendship, showing us France’s motives and collaborations with the Natives. One tribe Tonti encountered was the Taencas. After meeting them, the soldier immediately wished to coincide with them on good terms, “That having to be sent by the King of France…to make a discovery of all the nations of America…we came to offer them our friendship and protection” (210). This alliance with most of the Indian tribes was incredibly beneficial for French colonization because it allows new French settlers to enter America without fear of bloodshed. By reading this, we get a closer look at how the French interacted with the Natives, but also how their kindness could work in their favor. In his account, Tonti ensured the king that because of his and M. de la Salle’s efforts of befriending the Native peoples, the French will easily be accepted in American territory, “By this relation one may take an estimate of the riches and beauty of all those countries, inhabited by so many people, that are all in a manner already brought under subjection, and who have a perfect idea of the Grandeur of our Monarch” (210). Upon first meeting the tribes, the French introduced themselves peacefully and spoke of their king, immediately riding obstacles for settlement. These relationships with the Indians are an important step for French establishment.

            Even though making peace with multiple Indian tribes helped Tonti and the many explorers, M. de la Salle and his men still faced many hardships while exploring the “New World.”  We as readers, living in an established land, have no experience trying to launch a settlement in a new country. Luckily this soldier’s account give us incite on the difficulties people faced when colonizing America. After a long absence and no word from the explorer, Tonti gets an unexpected visit from M. de la Salle’s brother, M. Cavelier. The visitor recounted his brother’s misfortunes upon entering the Gulf, “They were suddenly surpriz’d with a violent storm; insomuch, that one of their ships, laden with Merchandizes…was hurried away with a furious blast of wind, and afterwards taken by the Spanish Rovers” (“An Account 140). Ships suffered many endeavors just to explore the waters. Later the crew was subjected to diseases, another hardship on top of many. These misfortunes do not go overlooked by many of the crew. Death is sorrowful for many. Tonti described his thoughts after the unusual death of his friend, M. de la Marne, “I cannot sufficiently express how much we were transported with grief at the sight of so sad a spectacle” (176). But difficulties of weather and wild animals were not the only means of dying in America. While many Indian tribes agreed to M. de la Salle’s offer of French protection, some Indians were in dispute with the French and the crew gets caught up in Native attacks. A set of brothers was among the explorer’s crew and one of them was killed by Indians. The elder Lancelot brother blamed the Monsieur for the death of the younger sibling, “he immediately laid the blame on M. de la Salle” (189). If they were to never explore America to begin with, many Frenchmen would have probably never died. This violent act between two French men is a powerful way to demonstrate just how much fear and hatred men felt during the first settlings overseas. All of these tragedies of weather, disease, and murder are important in establishing just how hard it was to colonize a new nation.

            To recall, the discovery of the mouth of the Mississippi was an incredible feat for France in the 1600’s. It was the connection to the north and south of America through water. Henri de Tonti’s work, “An Account of Monsieur de la Salle’s last expedition and discoveries in North America presented to the French king,” is an excellent example of early American writings and should be a canon of American Literature. The piece eloquently describes the incentives the new land provides for exploration and trade, it depicts how important relationships with indigenous people were, and portrays the terrors one faces in leaving one’s home country and completely having to establish a home in another. This particular recollection conveys France’s desire in the “New World.”

Works Cited

Tonti, Henri de, “An Account of Monsieur de la Salle’s last expedition and discoveries in North America presents to the French king.” Early English Books Online. Text Creation Partnership, 2003-2004. Web. 04 March 2016.

Tonti, Henri de, “Memoir on La Salle’s Discoveries, 1678-1690.”American Journeys.Wisconsin Historical Society, 2003. AJ-053. Web. 04 March 2016.

Weddle, Robert S. “Tonti, Henri de.” Texas Historical Association. Texas State Historical Association, 15 June 2010. Web. 06 March 2016.http://eebo.chadwyck.com.libraryproxy.uwp.edu:2048/search/fulltext?SOURCE=var_spell.cfg&ACTION=ByID&ID=D00000132876300000&WARN=N&SIZE=327&FILE=../session/1459232795_16463&SEARCHSCREEN=CITATIONS&DISPLAY=AUTHOR&ECCO=default

Thoughts on Means of Alleviating the Miseries Attendant Upon Common Prostitution: Julia Ellis, "The Progression of Feminism"

Julia Ellis

Teresa Coronado

ENGL 327, Sec. 1

29 March 2016

The Progression of Feminism

            Although written and published in England in 1799, Common Prostitution found its way to America because progressive individuals agreed with the author’s views. We were already a settled country, recently freed from the British rule and recovering from the impact of the Revolutionary War. Albeit already settled with an assembled form of government, laws pertaining to the treatment of others were still being written; even after writing these laws, it took hundreds of years for them to be enforced. This essay, which seems to be aimed at the church and government, written by an unknown author on the subject of brothels, prostitution and half-way homes, is the rising of one such topic; it takes that which was commonly veiled by the government, through their claim of ignorance, and brings it to light: the demeaning treatment of prostitutes. Thoughts On Means of Alleviating the Miseries Attendant Upon Common Prostitution should be incorporated into the canon of American Literature due to its fascinating argument which speaks of paving the way toward innovative feminist thought on a women’s education.

            One may ask “Why prostitution? Surely there were other jobs eligible to the women within the century?”. Kristen Robinson with the Department of History of the University of Kentucky wrote a review of a text by Tony Henderson (Disorderly Women in Eighteenth-Century London: Prostitution and Control in the Metropolis, 1730-1830) called Prostitutes in Eighteenth-Century London. Robinson informs readers that prostitutes reflected the general makeup of London's poverty stricken population; because of this, the women had minimal education and were often not trained in any trade. According to Robinson, “Prostitutes tended to be in their late teens or early twenties; very few young girls entered into prostitution. Most of London's prostitutes entered into prostitution on a full or part-time basis because of economic need and their lack of other marketable skills.” (Robinson, Prostitutes in Eighteenth-Century London). The author of Common Prostitution had a similar notion in the introduction to their essay; they create a young, fictional character who turns to the streets to earn the financial means to survive. The author later goes on to explain that if the girl had been well educated or taught a trade, she would have no need to turn to such a degrading profession. The author’s views on the importance of education to young, low-class girls as the means of preventing this profession from being their only option was an innovative one.

In the 1700’s, women were expected to only be educated on the means of keeping a proper home and had just recently started being accepted as writers – even then, their works were not taken too seriously (Wolf, 19^th Century Women Writers). According the National Women’s History Museum, the purpose for female education was to teach the girls the things they would need to know to be able to find a good husband. America had taken to European ways of education, so the only women receiving an education were those from a high socioeconomic status. Due to this, the period’s increase in female writers consisted primarily of wealthy individuals, who had no reason to turn to prostitution because of their background; because of these socially enforced rules on education, the women who suffered were not receiving the education which would have saved them from this career. The author of Common Prostitution realizes this and suggests, instead, there be programs created and offered to willing prostitutes to learn skills which would make them knowledgeable within the workforce.

Since Common Prostitution was written in England, there is some varying in the ways which the education system worked here in the United States. As America progressed, towns with closer living quarters (generally towns within the northern states) provided dame schools to educate very young boys and girls. The boys commonly continued their education after finishing dame school, while the girls did not – in fact, some towns even set laws preventing female enrollment within establishments that progressed past this level of schooling. In the south, property was not commonly close together, so children were taught using tutors; because of this, girls were not likely to learn unless a governess was brought in to teach them. Even in these cases, the girls were only taught reading (so they would be able to study the Bible) and writing along with basic arithmetic to track the household’s expenditure (NWHM, Colonial Education). American girls were, during this time, receiving a minimal education, but had some unfortunate event happened causing them to search for a job in financial desperation, they would have no prior knowledge for them to support themselves on. Although the author of Common Prostitution is arguing specifically for an establishment to educate and reform prostitutes, this argument for scholarly inclusion was easily applicable to all women.

The girls in America received minimal education, but after the revolutionary war individuals began to realize that the fate of the country could be heavily dependent on women. The country began to believe that anything was possible and the nation’s success required an intelligent population, because of this realization, women began being educated. Although girls were learning, their education was not believed to be in their favor, but instead in the favor of the country; these women were receiving education, but not to better themselves it was to maintain the country had all men been required to leave for war. (NWHM, Citizens of a New Republic). In this form of education, women were not just learning basics to keep their homes well-off, but they were beginning to learn trades and jobs required to keep the towns and cities alive. Because of the war, the country began seeing an increase in women education, leading to more progressive thoughts on the subject of feminism. Although the original intention for educating these women was to create a pool of knowledge to continue reaping the country, many women chose to take advantage and learn for their own benefit.

Men still reacted negatively to educated women, but due to the creation of the Republican Motherhood (an organization created to educate women for the improvement of America) these women were starting to be socially accepted. The organization convinced individuals that educated women brought patriotism into their homes, a quality which was desired to be passed down to their sons’ (NWHM, Women’s Changing Roles as Citizens of a New Republic). Eventually, as America progressed, individuals began marrying for love, and families started fighting for their daughters’ education in the hopes they would intrigue a man from a higher social status. On the other hand, in this new marrying style, it was also seen as beneficial for a woman to be educated, just in case she married an unreliable man because then their children would still have a stable, knowledgeable individual who still possessed the ability to teach them. The NWHM also stated that while still under the British Colonial rule, the conditions for industrialized colonies made it difficult for individuals who were illiterate to socially function because texts were more easily accessible due to the larger distribution and lower cost of printed materials. It is possible that all of these took part in the reasoning for educating women; marriage or convince, regardless, average women were receiving an education which bettered them and allowed the growth of feminist thought in America.

Through the progression of America, there was a reformation in thoughts on women’s education. Educated women became not only normalized but expected because it was eventually believed to be their job to maintain American views on what it means to be loyal to one’s family and country within their household. The ideas that brought this about were ones of strong, educated individuals (like the author or Common Prostitution) fighting for women to gain access to thought and the ability to express these thoughts. Although the author of Common Prostitution argues for the education of one very specific type of woman, they fight for the education of what society viewed as the lowest form of woman. The argument proposes an amazing argument as to why women should receive an education as a young age and also have the ability to learn in depth as they grow creating trailblazing ideals on women’s rights.

Works Cited

ECCO, ed. Thoughts on Means of Alleviating the Miseries Attendant Upon Common Prostitution.

        London: S.n., 1799. Print. Social Sciences. Originally, the text was published in London in 1799         by an unknown publisher. The Eighteenth Century Collections Online Print Edition, or the

        ECCO, republished this text in an attempt to preserve it.

NWHM. "Colonial Education." National Women's History Museum. NWHM, 2007. Web. 28 Mar.

        2016. <https://www.nwhm.org/online-exhibits/education/1700s_1.htm>.

- - -. "Women's Changing Roles as Citizens of a New Republic."National Women's History Museum.

        NWHM, 2007. Web. 28 Mar. 2016.

        <https://www.nwhm.org/onlineexhibits/education/1700s_2.htm>.

Robinson, Kristen. "Prostitutes in Eighteenth-Century London."Humanities and Social Sciences

        Online. H-Women, Apr. 2000. Web. 28 Mar. 2016. <http://www.h-net.org/reviews/showrev.php?

        id=4028>.

Wolf, Abby. "19th Century Women Writers." PBS. PBS, n.d. Web. 28 Mar. 2016. 

        <http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/masterpiece/wives/writers/intro.html>.

Alyssa Gustin "The Depiction of Native Americans Through Art"

Alyssa Gustin

Dr. Teresa Coronado

English 327

29 March 2016

The Depiction of Native Americans Through Art

            In the colonial and Puritan literary canon, several pieces of literature ranging from captivity narratives to journals kept by settlers have survived and prospered as common materials used to study this time period. Less common, however, is the presentation of illustrations as viable options to study early America. The cliché phrase, “a picture is worth a thousand words,” can hold some merit, especially when comparing illustrations back to texts. A specific subject often explored in colonial and Puritan literature is the relationships Native Americans had with settlers. Native Americans are often portrayed as being somewhat less than human in literature written by early settlers, whether they are patronized or demonized. By looking at illustrations, the views that these settlers had of Native Americans can be better explored and understood. Francois Du Creux presents four drawings that depict Native American warriors. By using Du Creux’s illustrations, as well as texts and other illustrations related to Native Americans, there can then be a deeper insight and understanding about Native American relations between themselves and settlers during colonial times.

            Francois Du Creux was a priest and a historian who lived between 1596 and 1666. Du Creux lived in France his entire life and is known for his works in Latin translations, particularly his writing about the history of Canada (Wallace). The illustrations come from his Historia Canadensis, which was published in 1664, where he depicts the land and lifestyles of Native Americans the French had come in contact with, among other things. Although it is unknown exactly what tribe is being depicted in the illustrations, possibilities include the Algonquians, the Iroquois, or the Huron tribe, also known as the Wyandots. Whichever tribe it is, the illustrations done by Du Creux portray the warriors in a strong, somewhat over-exaggerated manner. By observing and closely analyzing these illustrations, it becomes easier to then get a sense of exactly how the French seemed to view Native Americans.

            Descriptions of Native Americans varies greatly throughout literature, from being naïve and childlike to vicious and inhumane. Physical descriptions are not as commonly explored as the actions and lifestyles of Native Americans, and so the use of illustrations based on descriptions can be something even more useful when exploring Native American lifestyles. An example of illustrations that depict Native Americans is done by Theodore De Bry, who uses descriptions from Christopher Columbus’ writing in order to create an image. Columbus gives a lot of description of the indigenous people he encounters when he first lands in the Caribbean. One of De Bry’s engravings specifically illustrates this first encounter, and in his diary Columbus says:

Later they came swimming to the ships' launches where we were and brought us parrots and cotton thread in balls and javelins and many other things, and they traded them to us for other things which we gave them, such as small glass beads and bells…But it seemed to me that they were a people very poor in everything. All of them go around as naked as their mother bore them; and the women also, although I did not see more than one quite young girl. And all those that I saw were young people, for none did I see of more than 30 years of age. They are all very well formed, with handsome bodies and good faces. Their hair coarse—almost like the tail of a horse—and short. They wear their hair down over their eyebrows except for a little in the back which they wear long and never cut. (Columbus 30)

Columbus’ description of this event gives great insight into how he viewed them personally, especially when he expresses their reactions towards his arrival by explaining how they gave gifts to himself and his crew. It is clear that, while he does admire them in some aspects as he recognizes their “handsome bodies and good faces,” his overall view of them is that he seems to pity them by calling them “people very poor in everything” and noting how they do not wear clothes. He later even says that they “should be good and intelligent servants” (30) due to the fact that they did not know his language and would repeat whatever he would say without knowing what he meant. This description, however, does not even begin to cover everything going on around Columbus in this moment, although he does talk about his first landing later. De Bry’s engraving can then be used as a way to gain further insight into Columbus’ arrival into the Americas.

            De Bry’s illustration gives a vivid portrayal of Columbus’ description upon landing in Hispaniola. While it does not fit everything within the description, such as the hair of the indigenous people, it does give more of a view on what is going on around Columbus. While the Native Americans are seen giving gifts to Columbus and some of his men who are wearing what appears to be metal helmets, there are other members of Columbus’ crew who are putting up a cross right along the shore line. Further in the background, there are more Native Americans who seem to be running away frantically from the ships as more of Columbus’ crew depart from the ship and arrive on shore. Although Columbus does not go into detail about what is going on around him during that moment in time, having these extra details gives a better vision of what settling Hispaniola was like for not only Columbus but for the Native Americans as well.

The Native Americans themselves in De Bry’s illustration are very similar to Du Creuz’s portrayal. This is particularly seen in how much the illustrations are focused on muscle definition. They have large thighs and defined muscles in their arms and torsos, and the only clothing they have on are cloths that cover their genitals. While the Native Americans are depicted in this illustration as having a stronger stature, their reaction to Columbus and his men is one of apprehension as they appear to be intimidated by Columbus and the staff he carries. Although Columbus’ description in his diary does an admirable job of describing what the indigenous people were like, De Bry’s engraving is able to further delve into what people who wanted to explore the new world could encounter. Words can only go so far for some people, and so with illustrations the Americas become a clearer vision for people.

Francois Du Creux’s illustrations help to further understand Native Americans during pre-colonial times, just as De Bry’s engraving does. Du Creux’s illustrations are much more focused on the individual Native American in comparison to De Bry’s engraving, however. The first illustration shows a Native American warrior leaning against a large rock while holding a small object that could possibly be a weapon. Much like De Bry’s depiction of the indigenous people of Hispaniola, Du Creux draws the man with a brawnier frame and only wearing a piece of cloth to cover his genitals. An interesting aspect of this illustration to note is the facial expression of the man; while he is supposedly a warrior, he is looking downward with a serene expression rather than being depicted in a scene where he is attacking someone to display his strength. The second illustration is similar in terms of the structure and expression of the warrior. However, this warrior is in a more active state as he stands with a shield in one arm and his bow and arrows in the other. Both illustrations show the men with partially shaven heads, indicating that they are probably from the same tribe. These Native Americans are much more similar to the ones that De Bry showed in his illustrations due to their more passive facial expressions as well as their lack of sufficient clothing.

The next two illustrations show Native Americans who could possibly be from a different tribe than the ones depicted in the two previous illustrations. The third illustration shows a man holding a bow in one hand, and arrow in another, and his quiver slung around his shoulder. He is dressed in some patterned bottoms and a cape, as well as a pair of shoes. He has a full head of hair and is looking up rather than down like the two former illustrations. The fourth illustration shows a man who is wearing only a loin cloth and a cape while he holds a spear and looks down at the ground. While he is not as clothed as the man in the previous illustration, he does have a full head of hair, indicating that these two illustrations show men from the same tribe as well. A commonality between all these illustrations is their depiction of Native American bodies as being bulky and robust, with emphasis being placed on defining their muscles and enhancing them to an exaggerated degree. They show the physical strength of Native American warriors through the display of their bodies, while also giving insight into how the French viewed the Native Americans.

As much as descriptions help to give readers a sense of the relations between Native Americans and settlers, the actual physical depictions of Native Americans can do so much more to help gain a better understanding of these relations and viewpoints. De Bry’s illustrations, for example, only help to gain a better understanding of Native Americans for those who read Columbus’ diary. Although no passages are provided with Du Creux’s illustrations besides the basic information, they still manage to portray a lot through the way the warriors are drawn. Art is something not commonly studied in the literary canon, and so by introducing more illustrations to it there is more of a chance to go in depth when studying Native American life in pre-colonial America. Instead of just looking at the words of someone, pictures help to further immerse readers into the time of the illustration while also leaving readers to ask themselves questions that can then be answered with texts. Adding more pictures to the literary canon can then only help in the study of learning about the evolution America went through in its views of Native Americans.

Works Cited

Columbus, Christopher. “From The Diario of Christopher Columbus’s First Voyage to America   1492-1493.” Ed. Carla Mulford. Early American Writings (2002): 28-40. Print.

De Bry, Theodore. “Christopher Columbus arrives in America.” Digital Image.       Publicdomainreview.org. Public Domain Review. Web. 24 March 2016.

Du Creux, Francois. “Warrior 1.” Digital image. Wisconsinhistory.org. American Journeys,            2003. Web. 20 March 2016.

---. “Warrior 2.” Digital image. Wisconsinhistory.org. American Journeys, 2003. Web. 20 March    2016.

---. “Warrior 3.” Digital image. Wisconsinhistory.org. American Journeys, 2003. Web. 20 March    2016.

---. “Warrior 4.” Digital image. Wisconsinhistory.org. American Journeys, 2003. Web. 20 March    2016.

Wallace, W. Stewart. "Francois Du Creux." The Quebec History Encyclopedia. Marianopolis        University. Web. 24 Mar. 2016. 

Warrior 1

Warrior 2

Warrior 3

Warrior 4

Christopher Columbus arrives in America

Reminiscences of Tecumseh's Youth: Jessica Narlock, A Different Kind of Captive Narrative.

Jessica Narlock

Professor Coronado

English 327

March 28, 2016

A Different Kind of Captive Narrative

            From the early days of “discovery” in 1492 to about the early 1800s, there were a plethora of different accounts from countless sources.  These firsthand accounts described everything from the land, the food, and the people that could be found on this “new land”.   The majority of these narratives come from colonists and their families, and hardly any are from the natives’ point of view.  The few narratives that are from the viewpoint of the Native Americans are only created after the colonists educated them in the ways of their language and their European culture, so it has become quite difficult to get an accurate and unaltered representation of what the natives witnessed.  A unique middle ground for both of these narratives is the captive narrative.  Here, the one taken captive (in this case, the colonists) write about their experiences in captivity, and their work provides a window into the events that took place on a very personal level.  Captive narratives, such as Mary Rowlandson’s, usually describe the extreme trials they faced in the moments of fear and despair, and how their captors were usually hardly related to.  This is the majority of the captive narratives that we see being taught regarding the interaction between the natives and the colonists during this time in history.  However, that does not mean that different narratives of this nature do not exist.  The narrative of Stephen Ruddell provides a unique account of his own captivity with a Shawnee tribe of Native Americans, during which he regards the natives as equals, and even family.  Through this narrative, one can gain new insight into the motivations of the Native Americans during this time, while also taking into account the impact that narratives like this had and still have on readers.

            Stephen Ruddell was born in 1771 on the “Western frontier where Virginia, Tennessee, and Kentucky border one another” (americanjourneys.org), to his settler parents.  At the very young age of nine years old, in June of 1780, his settlement was ambushed by British soldiers as well as a number of natives.  These natives took him and his family as prisoners, and “Stephen and his brother Abraham were claimed by the Shawnee and made adopted brothers of Tecumseh ([who lived from] 1768-1813)” (americanjourneys.org).  During his captivity, he grew up with and became quite close to Tecumseh, and fought with him in battle against the American forces and white settlers.  He was even given a native name, which was “Big Fish”, and the tribe thought of him as one of their own.  Ruddell became a leader of warriors in the tribe, and even married a Shawnee woman, with which he had two sons.  It was only during a “temporary cessation of hostilities between [the] Indians and whites” (americanjourneys.org) that Ruddell decided to return to settler life.  He achieved this by traveling to northern Indiana with some of his warriors and handed himself over to General Anthony Wayne.  Wayne accepted Ruddell, and even went so far as to reunite him with his father after so many years apart.  Once reunited with his father, he was brought back to Kentucky, where he was educated and learned the ways of farming.  Ruddell played a major role during the War of 1812 by convincing certain groups of Shawnees to take up arms with the Americans instead of siding with the British.  Toward the later years of his life, he was a Baptist minister in a number of places, until he seemed to settle down for good in Adams County, Illinois. 

            Tecumseh’s legacy is that of a warrior, a leader, and a “good man” (Ruddell 133).  Not only did he lead the Shawnee warriors against the settlers, but he also “formed pan-tribal alliances based on common ownership of Indian lands, multi-tribal treaties with whites (rather than local ones), and refusal to sell any more land to settlers” (americanjourneys.org).  While he fought against many American and British soldiers as well as settlers, he practiced a sort of honor system when he faced an adversary.  When he took prisoners, they would not be tortured or burned, and he never tolerated the killing of women and children (Ruddell 123).  He fought valiantly until he was killed in battle fighting alongside the British in October of 1813.  During his life, he united the native tribes, taught respect and honor to those around him, and left a lasting impression on many, including Stephen Ruddell.

            While reading the actual narrative, one of the first major differences between the conventional captive account and Ruddell’s is that the main focus is on Tecumseh and his actions.  Most firsthand accounts of this sort focus on the author’s own personal feelings and experiences, not the life of another, especially when that person belongs to the captor tribe.  One example of the more common captive narrative would be Mary Rowlandson’s “Narrative of the Captivity and Restauration of Mrs. Mary Rowlandson”.  In her account, Mary references many unfortunate events that happened while she was in captivity, and also how these events affected her faith.  She makes note of how she felt during certain moments, and how she coped with these feelings.  The only moments that she mentions her captors is to fill the sequence of events, and to identify some acts and people that stood out to her.  In Ruddell’s narrative, he takes a much different approach by focusing very little on his own feelings and actions, and much more on Tecumseh because he is impressed and inspired by him.  This is most likely because Ruddell was taken into captivity at such a young age, and was raised with Tecumseh as his brother. 

            The narrative is unique in another way as well because the reader witnesses the son of white settlers and a Native American warrior fighting side by side and consider each other as the other’s brother.  Ruddell recalls a very specific moment when Tecumseh specifically calls for him, to which he replies, “here I am” (129), and they take up arms against white settlers that are attacking their camp.  The author does not see a savage specimen like so many other white settlers of this time, he sees a man and his brother. 

            The narrative closes with a moment of summary and reflection from Ruddell, saying, “in short, I consider [Tecumseh] a very great, as well as a very good man, who if he had enjoyed the advantages of a liberal education, would have done honour to any age or any nation” (132).  Not only is the author giving Tecumseh great praise in this remark, but he is also commenting on the impact of education and its “advantages”.  In Andrew Newman’s article, “Captive on the Literacy Frontier: Mary Rowlandson, James Smith, and Charles Johnston”, he addresses the importance of literacy, and how these narratives provide an inside look into the “cultural boundaries” between the Native Americans and the settlers.  As stated in the article, due to the fact that the settlers were the ones who were literate in the English language, they could use this to their advantage in regards to “territorial expansion, generating surveyors’ reports, underwriting dubious land transfers, and filling out a self-serving ledger of transactions and conflicts” (Newman 31).  The settlers had the ability to convince the natives into doing something, yet have them sign a contract that stated something completely different.  By doing things this way, they planted the seeds of mistrust into the natives that would eventually become part of the reason for their future conflicts. 

            Literacy had another impact on the narratives of this time in regards to the perspectives that they portrayed.  With the literate population being mostly white settlers, the only perspectives that were really being represented in pieces such as this were that of the settlers.  It was not common for Native Americans to be fluent enough in the English language that they would produce their own narratives, and when they did, their audience still consisted of mainly white settlers, and so the work would be difficult to relate to.  For this reason, it is all the more necessary to consider Ruddell’s work when thinking of captive narratives between Native Americans and settlers.  Ruddell offers a firsthand account regarding the life of an influential native warrior and leader that he is very close to and knows extremely well. 

While this is considered to be a captive narrative, it does not feel as though it is one.  Regardless of their ethnicity or backgrounds, Ruddell and Tecumseh were raised as brothers, fought as brothers, and respected each other as brothers.  This type of firsthand account is rare, especially during a time that was filled with such prejudice.  It is refreshing and inspiring to read a piece like this, and it is also beneficial for trying to understand certain conflicts between the natives and the settlers.  Stephen Ruddell’s experience offers itself as a window into the lives of the native tribes during this time of war, and allows the reader to pause and consider a different perspective from the ones that are overly abundant during this time.  This piece also considers friendship and brotherhood on an entirely different plane, and proves that prejudices do not exist in children, and that they can be taught to respect each other for their actions, instead of their tribe or skin color.  This issue is still prevalent today, and this work can offer readers a prime example of how peace is still possible, no matter how grim the surrounding situations may be. 

Works Cited

Newman, Andrew. “Captive on the Literacy Frontier: Mary Rowlandson, James Smith, and Charles Johnston”. Early American Literature. 38.1 (2003): 31-59. Print.

Rowlandson, Mary. “Narrative of the Captivity and Restauration of Mrs. Mary Rowlandson”. Early American Writings. Ed. Carla Mulford. New York: Oxford University Press, 2002. 307-328. Print.

Ruddell, Stephen. “Reminiscences of Tecumseh’s Youth”. http://content.wisconsinhistory.org/cdm/ref/collection/aj/id/17916 . Wisconsin Historical Society: 2003. 120-133. Web.

http://www.americanjourneys.org/aj-155/summary/ . Wisconsin Historical Society: 2016. Web.